Encouraging state movement towards healthcare global budgeting.
This is the upper end or the delivery of product and care of the healthcare food chain. If you want to improve healthcare delivery pricing, you might want to go down a couple of levels more also.
The costs of pharma and healthcare supplies are areas to investigate. It may have a bit more of an impact. Rituxan at Medicare prices or private insurance prices. There is a price in between which can be achieved and better than today’s prices.
A lot of territory to investigate.
Medicare is encouraging states to move toward global budgeting. Alas, all-payer pricing didn’t make the cut., GoozNews, Merrill Gooz.
I (Merrill) have a parochial interest in promoting Medicare’s the latest payment reform program. Last year, I was part of a writing team whose two-part series in Health Affairs (see here and here) urged the CMS Innovation Center to allow other states to adopt Maryland’s hospital pricing system, where providers are required to charge every payer, whether government or private, the same price for the same service.
Under the Maryland scheme, now in effect for nearly a decade, prices are adjusted routinely so provider revenue never exceeds a preset global budget for the total cost of care for all patients. Annual growth in the budgets, which can be adjusted for changes in patient demographics, utilization and new technology, is limited to a target that is set below the economic growth rate.
An independent analysis commissioned by CMS found Maryland’s global budgeting system over the past decade exceeded all other reform programs in holding down program costs.
Now, the Maryland model, along with related but limited versions in Vermont and Pennsylvania, has become the basis for a new CMS reform program, which was officially launched a month ago. The Innovation Center dubbed it AHEAD for states “Advancing All-Payer Health Equity Approaches and Development.”
The outline of what states must include in their proposals goes well beyond holding growth in the total cost of care below current projections. The agency anticipates stepping up its investment in primary care and care coordination by authorizing a special monthly $17 per-beneficiary payment for those services. States must have plans in place for achieving better health outcomes and addressing existing health inequities.
The model is also unique in that it extends its reach to private payers and their patients. At an online briefing held two weeks ago, Innovation Center officials said commercial and Medicare Advantage insurers are “encouraged” to participate in setting up the program since states must show by the beginning of the second year of implementation that at least one private insurer is involved.
The global budget
The program’s heart is the global budget. A few states already have the capability to establish and monitor budgets because their insurance or health departments collect data for annual rate reviews. But if a state does not and still wants to apply to be one of the eight accepted into the program, CMS is developing a template that states can adopt.
“Global budgets will be based on historic revenue and built from the ground up,” said Emily Moore, who was tapped by Innovation Center chief Elizabeth Fowler to run the program. “Once that is determined, CMS will apply adjustments … for investment in care coordination; quality; and health equity. The budget will be set prospectively on an annual basis.”
There is one aspect of Maryland’s system that is completely missing from the AHEAD model: all-payer pricing. That would likely require an act of Congress since setting a single price for every service would require raising Medicare and Medicaid rates to offset the fall in commercial rates, which on average are about 2 1/2 times Medicare’s rates for individual services.
Some might argue why not adopt Medicare rates for all services. The answer to that is simple: Providers would refuse to participate, just as they did in Washington State when it tried to establish a public option for its Obamacare exchange based on Medicare rates. That state eventually came up with a blended rate of about 160% of Medicare rates.
Maryland’s all-payer pricing system always depended on additional subsidies to pay the higher prices being charged for both Medicare and Medicaid patients. CMS approved that waiver more than three decades ago. Sen. Barbara Mikulski, when chair of the Senate Appropriations Committee, later enshrined it in law, even applying it to the Veterans Administration when it sends patients into private facilities.
I believe that would be a wise investment on behalf of taxpayers. Sure, it would result in a windfall for private insurers and employers, whose prices would be reduced. But some of that revenue could be captured through higher tax collections from increased corporate profits and increased wages.
The benefits would be enormous. It would result in sharply reduced administrative costs by eliminating the complexity of hospital and physician billing operations, which currently must keep track of the different prices they charge multiple insurers, Medicare, Medicaid and private pay patients.
It would eliminate the kabuki drama surrounding annual provider-insurer price negotiations, which have never succeeded in holding prices in check. Private sector health care rates are projected to rise 6.5% next year, about twice Medicare’s rate increase. Over the past decade, they have consistently gone up at a faster rate than Medicare and Medicaid (see my post It’s Still the Prices, Stupid from last month).
Even without all-payer pricing, the proposed program holds out the hope that more states will move their major health care systems, their federally-qualified health centers and rural health providers toward global budgeting. Global budgets will provide them with greater flexibility to address the social care needs of their patients.
CMS will begin accepting applications later this fall. It has earmarked $96 million for up to eight states (or large regions within states) to begin planning for implementation. It anticipates state programs launching in the fall of 2026, with expectations they will maintain participation through 2034.
Of all the Innovation Center programs launched to date, this is certainly the most ambitious — and the most promising. I am looking forward to seeing which states, if any, are willing to give their providers a big shove in the direction of true transformation.
Such a system might open a window to the “co-ops” that were present in the early years of ACA if people are interested in reviving the approach. Most of them badly mismatched revenue and cost and, while this doesn’t guarantee anything, it should make it easier to get pricing into the right zone.
Eric:
Nonsense . . . You know I write on this stuff and yet you venture in and make stuff up blaming Co-ops for mismanaging their budgets. Nonsense . . . This is taken from a post January 2017: Risk Corridor, Healthcare Premiums, Companies Leaving the Exchanges, and Republicans
Questioning whether the Risk Corridor payments were being appropriated correctly, the Appropriations Panel forced the HHS to make changes in how they appropriated funds allowing Congress to stop all appropriations. The PPACA could no longer appropriate the funds as they were subject to the discretion of Congress. The GAO issue an opinion on the legality of what the HHS was doing with funds.
Further down in the GAO letter, the GAO leaves the HHS an out of using other already available appropriations for the Risk Corridor payments to insurance companies. Classifying the payments as “user fees” was another way to retain the authority to spend other appropriations already made by Congress. Otherwise if revenue from the Risk Corridor program fell short, the administration would need approval for addition appropriations from Congress. As it was, the HHS could no longer appropriate funds to make Risk Corridor payments unless the funds were already appropriated by Congress or Congress approved new funds which was not going to happen with a Republican controlled House.
Appropriations Panel Chairman Rep. Jack Kingston put the final nail in the coffin by inserting one sentence in Section 227 of the 2015 Appropriations Act (dated December 16, 2014) which escaped notice. In the 2015 Appropriations Act, the sentence inserted said no “other” funds in this bill could be used for Risk Corridor payments.
This action blocked the HHS from obtaining any of the necessary Risk Corridor funds from any other Congressional appropriated program funds.
Nothing was said by Sessions, Upton, or Kingston before passage on what they had managed to do. It was Rubio who issued a news release saying the provision was appropriate even though he had little to do with it. In the end, Rep. Jack Kingston’s one sentence purposely created a $2.5 billion shortfall in the Risk-Corridor program in 2015 as the HHS had collected $362 million in fees. Insurers who had misjudged the market sought nearly $2.9 billion in payments, many nonprofit insurance Co-ops failed, healthcare insurance companies began to raise premiums to compensate, and some healthcare insurance companies recognizing an untenable environment created by Republicans took their losses and left the market.
Eric:
There was no cooperation from Republicans with the ACA. They purposely sabotaged the ACA Risk Corridor program which provided funding for ONLY three years to Co-ops. This is unlike the current drug program subsiding pharma forever as planned by Republicans.
In your seeming desire to tangle you miss the point. Co-ops failed because they had insufficient revenue. If they did their underwriting honestly, they were not pencilling in risk corridor payments in setting their pricing. Since I am not saying they were dishonest, I conclude they did some really bad underwriting. But pricing decisions gets easier if everybody gets the same price from the hospitals and other providers. There is still plenty of room to muck it up for all market participants, but in setting revenue targets, having a great deal of your claims cost arising from more stable supplier “agreements” has to make it easier. So getting back to what I actually wrote, do you think that such statewide price schedules would help anyone interested in trying the co-op model again? I do.
Eric:
No, you missed the point.
You: “Most of them badly mismatched revenue and cost and, while this doesn’t guarantee anything,”
The three years was to allow them and insurance companies to adjust their premiums to match the customers they did get. There was no guarantee they would get all less costly customers. One-or-two-million-dollar customers which can not be rejected could be costly for a company and sink them. That is the point of the ACA, you can not reject, pick, or cherry pick customers.
It was deliberate sabotage by Republicans and Republican Freddie Upton of Michigan led the sabotage. The Democrats planned ACA Risk Corridor program went away after 3 years. The Bush Republican Planned drug programs evergreen subsidies are still in existence.
There was NO mismanagement by Co-ops and ALSO commercial companies (at that time) that withdrew from the marketplace after they were denied access to the funds by Republicans blocking the short-term subsidies. Eric, those are the facts.
All that said, I wonder about a market segment such as co-ops that went to market telling, or at least strongly implying to their customers that, due to their non-profit model, their pricing could be appreciably better than for profits. As sensible as risk corridors might be for a short-term, they still represent funds that the insurer’s customers ought to have put into the system. While devastating to some insurers plan, the limits to the risk corridors were at the same time a sensible message: guys, you have to charge what it actually takes to fulfill your contracted benefits. Co-ops we’re not the only ones caught out, but they were pretty uniformly underpricing by so much that when the tide changed they all seemed to decide their customers wouldn’t stomach the prices they needed to make it work.