Some and not many Pundits are Optimistic Trump Will Win, I am Not.
This is not 2016 and Trump got one hell of a shellacking from Harris in the debate. She was smiling . . .
This forecast by Nate Silver seems to me to be a bit optimistic. about Trump in the lead with 60-something percent. After Trump’s debate performance with Kamala Harris, I do not see Trump winning. If he does, it will be slight.
I still would not ignore Trump. We did one time before, thinking our vote would be funny.
Against Hillary Clinton, Trump’s win was not overwhelming. Indeed, he slipped by, by the narrowest of margins. Much of this occurred in three states which had an overwhelming vote for others which included Mickey Mouse, Donald Duck, next door neighbor, etc. In all three states the percentages putting Trump over the top were less than 1%. The numbers voting for others were 4 to 6 times higher than in 2012.
See the attached chart (below) I developed back then. I was nosey in 2016 as compared to 2012. In 2020, the vote for others returned to something close to normal. Sometimes when you tell a story, one’s reputation can make it more real than what it should be. Even if it is close and Trump wins, Nate’s reputation will suffer for his forecast.
Weeks before the election in 2016 we (Michigan) knew we were in trouble. Those who voted for others did not. They thought it was funny. The Michigan Dems were not answered with help. They were ignored. Then too, I wonder whether those who voted for “others” regret voting for pets, cartoon characters, etc. Just like stepping in dog feces, no matter how hard you scrapped your shoe against a Chicago city curb, you can never get it completely off the sole of your shoe. Even if you succeed in getting some of it off. the smell lingers.
Here we are in 2024 dealing with the same feces on our shoes and the smell lingers in the form of Trump.
The below partial article is taken from Washington Monthly (Bill Scher). The depicted Excel spread sheet belongs to myself.
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Probabilistic Election Forecasts Are Stupid and You Should Not Look at Them, Washington Monthly.
Last week as his (Nate) Silver Bulletin forecast (he no longer runs FiveThirtyEight) gave Trump a chance of winning above 60 percent. He crossed the 50 percent threshold in the previous week. As of today, Trump’s chances sit at 61.3 percent.
Several other folks are in the probabilistic forecasting game to include FiveThirtyEight, The Hill, The Economist, Brown Political Review, Race to the WH, and JHK Forecasts. None of these give Trump the edge, and most put Harris’s percent chance of winning in the mid-50s.
This doesn’t mean the Harris ones are right and the Trump one is wrong, or vice-versa. All of these models show that the race is extremely close and could go either way.
“We had him with a 30 percent chance [28.6 percent to be precise] and that’s a pretty likely occurrence.” That’s what Silver said about Trump and his forecast after the 2016 election, arguing he should get credit for not fully counting Trump out, when other forecasts essentially did.
Fair enough, but such emphasis on uncertainty certainly would be useful today, with all forecasts showing an even closer race.
Most importantly, we don’t need probabilistic models to tell us about uncertainty. A simple averaging of state and national polls—with repeated reminders about how all polls are only snapshots of a fluid electorate and come with margins of error—would tell us the same, and with less confusion.
And if you don’t like how Real Clear Politics or FiveThirty Eight or The New York Times or the Washington Post handle their poll averages, you could do your own using the polls you deem of good enough quality. It’s not complicated.
But you’ll get the same story: The 2024 presidential election is an extremely close race that could go either way. Because pretty much every national and battleground state poll, and even a few non-battleground state polls, is within the margin of error.
Probabilistic forecasting came with an implicit promise that it is better than a simplistic reliance on polls.
Silver first became a major figure in the 2008 primaries when, as an anonymous blog poster, he predicted the outcomes of several late-season Democratic primaries without the use of polls by extrapolating demographic vote preference data from earlier 2008 primaries and results from previous years. This raised interesting questions about the value of polls.
Sure. I would take 538 over Nate any day; it is a matter of institutional voracity which no individual can match. Also worth recalling that Saint Hillary beat the orange cretin by 2% in the overall national popular vote, which will not buy you a cup of coffee at the White House. So, realistically probabilistic forecasting of a national election requires getting 50 states + DC correctly forecast; no easy feet nor feat. Seems like I remember in 2008 that a financial crisis had recently upset the status quo; a whole ‘nother ball of wax or bag of beans; advantage anyone but incumbents; game-set-match. Of course this time around incumbency is also no great advantage as the children are very scared and the parents are looking around for someone to blame. That said, then neither the orange-o-tang nor his mighty band of well-armed misogynistic racist cretins are comforting, despite that xenophobia is a rising popular scapegoating tour de force.
ron:
A nice and pretty comment. It looks good; but is it real? The popular vote does not matter. For some reason, the founders negated it (feel free to explain it). I am not up to it today. It is a large quagmire of (fill in the options).
I was nosey and pulled the numbers to understand why. Having the total popular vote does not matter. Again, that is a founding fathers’ question and answer. Three rather large states decided the election. The deciding vote was less than one percent in each state. Fewer people turned out in Michigan and Wisconsin for 2012. Whether Clinton won by 2% does not matter. If you wish to argue this, I suggest adjusting the number of electoral votes per state is a better argument. Then to the House has to grow in numbers as it should.
Silver is paid for his opinions as supported by his numbers. I am not.
Uh; “the overall national popular vote, which will not buy you a cup of coffee at the White House.”
I’m still winning to offer slight odds in favor of Trump winning the Electoral College–or at least the Presidency, based on the House voting for him 26-24–but 60% (3:2) is insane.
OH and FL are not going to flip. NC is the only place that could go cleanly from R to D.
I don’t trust MI to stay in D hands, though it’s more encouraging now than it was three months ago.
Which would mean flipping PA–even without either AZ or NE-1 or GA, the latter of which seems a difficult hold as well–gives Trump the win. (269-269 goes to the House).
He could easily lose the vote of the electorate by 8-10%, but it’s much more difficult for him to lose the election. He should have about a 52-53% chance of winning, all else equal.
His best chance, of course, is to stay home more often than not; one campaign appearance a week at most. If he’s out campaigning in AZ, GA, MI, and PA a lot over the next couple of months, I would feel better about Harris/Walz chances.
The good anecdote is that I’ve been driving around traditional R territory in NJ recently. There aren’t signs for him, while there are for Harris/Walz/Altman/etc. But the plural of anecdote isn’t data.
Ken:
Having lived in Michigan for 28 years, I have seen its conversion to the Democrats. For 20-something years it had a Rep Senate. Its House went both ways. The state was gerrymandered to produce those results. The newer precincts were decided by a committee selected by a voter supported process and the state after its gov became DEm. The elections were always close in Michigan. The change happened after trump and the vote for anythingers but a candidate.
I do not see that change in Michigan. I was an appointed official in Livingston County Michigan by Republicans. I think I am right is my thoughts. I will look again and advise.
Bill
The general expectation should be that Harris will win the popular vote but will not take office. She will either lose the electoral college, or will follow in Al Gore’s footsteps by being barred from assuming office by SCOTUS.
The billionaires want a Republican in the White House, and the Democratic Party running a ticket that personally embodies everything the electoral college-empowered country bumpkins hate about modernity makes it cheap and easy for the billionaires to get what they want.
nobody:
Let us hope it is a secure win (period).