In the Comments thread today to my post yesterday titled “Clinton Announces When She Will Disclose Her Healthcare Insurance Improvement Plan: She’ll announce it just as soon as the Republican presidential candidates tell us theirs,” reader Urban Legend wrote, as part of a several-paragraph comment:
While a single payer plan is superior in theory — and has been proven in practice — thought should be given to the extreme political danger of offering a program at this time that can and will be painted by Republicans as one that will destroy half a million jobs in many different states. There was more than spite in Joe Lieberman’s objection to the public option. Think Hartford, Connecticut, insurance capital of the country. We would see “Harry and Louise” in spades. (Look it up if you’re too young to remember, and see what happened to Congress in the following election in 1994.)
Guys, I’ve pretty much given up on trying to convince Dem baby boomers and silent generationers that it’s no longer the ’80s and ’90s and that the Bernie-is-a-SOCIALIST thing would mean a George McGovern-like trouncing and a Repub sweep in congressional elections. Finally, that argument is no longer being made by the punditry; instead it’s now the reverse: Can Clinton beat Trump, given the public’s now-obvious anti-Koch-brothers-Republican-platform mood.
But I do want to respond to Amateur Socialist’s concerns about Harry and Louise, whom I remember quite well.
The reason for the success of the insurance industry’s anti-Hillarycare ad featuring the young couple Harry and Louise was that the essence of Hillarycare was that it would all-but-force people who had choose-any-doctors-and-hospitals-you-want insurance into HMOs or PPOs that limit the choice of doctors and hospitals to those in a network, sometimes a small network, especially back then, and that sometimes required a referral by a primary care doctor for access to a specialist.
Most people back then had employer-provided insurance that did not have those limitations. Their insurance was like Medicare—usually like Medicare with a supplemental plan is now. The problem back then was that there still were tens of millions of people who had no access to insurance, many of them because of preexisting medical conditions, and also that premiums had been skyrocketing. And suddenly many employers were no longer paying the entire premiums.
But of course now, very few employers provide insurance that does not involve healthcare networks. And very few now pay the full premiums. And most policies have much larger copayments and much larger deductibles.
These are the really big problems with the ACA’s marketplace plans, too.
And these are the problems that Sanders’ Medicare-for-all proposal would eliminate. No provider networks, no large copayments, no large deductibles, and affordable premiums.
In other words, Harry and Louise would support the Sanders plan now.
Enough said on that, I would think.
The two paragraphs in Urban Legend’s comment that precede the one I quoted read:
I agree that the Thorpe alleged take-down of Sanders’ single payer proposal is ridiculous. As you say, you can’t expect a candidate to dot every i and cross every t in a broad campaign proposal. The experience of other countries indicates almost certainty that in the long run, everyone would come out ahead with a “Medicare for All” system.
I disagree completely that Clinton has no proposals for healthcare. She has quite specific proposals, including tax credits up to $5000 to reduce co-pays and deductibles (which she says are excessive), efforts to reach 16 million people who are eligible for Medicaid (a single payer plan) but haven’t signed up, and revival of the public option, the primary purpose of which was to make a genuine non-profit, efficient insurance offering available and force insurance costs further downward through direct competition. Whether they are adequate or not is a matter of opinion, but it should not be said that she has no proposals. They are there for everyone with a finger and two seconds to see.
The first of those paragraphs refers to the main point of my post: the sheer silliness of Emory University healthcare economist Kenneth Thorpe’s most recent attempt at a takedown of the Sanders proposal. The second of the paragraphs—well, it’s meaning needs no background.
But it does raise this question: Why has there been no study by mainstream progressive economists about the costs of these proposals of Clintons’, and an explanation of why this would be better than a plan that would, among other things, significantly reduce what are now the very high premiums that employers now pay to private insurers and that employees themselves pay in contributions to the premiums costs and also in copayments and deductibles?
Paul Krugman, maybe? Nah.